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Dateline: 8th December, 2005

Harold Pinter
Pinter's Lecture - Art, Truth & Politics

Harold Pinter's Nobel Lecture was broadcast in the UK on the evening of Wednesday 7th December. The full transcript can be found on the Nobel Prize site. Here we summarise his main points.

He began by quoting something he worte in 1958:

"There are no hard distinctions between what is real and what is unreal, nor between what is true and what is false. A thing is not necessarily either true or false; it can be both true and false."

As a writer, he says, he still stands by that, but as a citizen "I must ask: What is true? What is false?"

Truth in drama, however is "forever elusive". It can never be found but the search for it is "compulsive". There is no such thing as truth in drama: there are many, whihc "challenge each other, recoil from each other, reflect each other, ignore each other, tease each other, are blind to each other."

He is often asked how his plays are created. " I cannot say. Nor can I ever sum up my plays, except to say that this is what happened. That is what they said. That is what they did." The starting point comes as a single line, word or image. Then, as the characters develop, so does the play. He instanced both The Homecoming and Old Times and followed their development.

"It's a strange moment, the moment of creating characters who up to that moment have had no existence. What follows is fitful, uncertain, even hallucinatory, although sometimes it can be an unstoppable avalanche. The author's position is an odd one. In a sense he is not welcomed by the characters. The characters resist him, they are not easy to live with, they are impossible to define. You certainly can't dictate to them. To a certain extent you play a never-ending game with them, cat and mouse, blind man's buff, hide and seek. But finally you find that you have people of flesh and blood on your hands, people with will and an individual sensibility of their own, made out of component parts you are unable to change, manipulate or distort."

Language in art is "a highly ambiguous transaction".

In political theatre, however, there are other problems. "Sermonising has to be avoided at all cost. Objectivity is essential." The writer must give them freedom and not try to constrict them in any way. And it doesn't he said, always work! Indeed, political satire must follow a completely different, almost opposite set of rules, for that is its function.

But for politicians, language is not used in the same way: "since the majority of politicians, on the evidence available to us, are interested not in truth but in power and in the maintenance of that power."

"To maintain that power it is essential that people remain in ignorance, that they live in ignorance of the truth, even the truth of their own lives. What surrounds us therefore is a vast tapestry of lies, upon which we feed."

This leads him on to talking about the lies about weapons of mass destruction which led to the Iraq War and then to "how the United States understands its role in the world and how it chooses to embody it." He is scathing in his attack, comparing the US crimes to those of the Soviet Union and that its policies made it clear that it considers "it had carte blanche to do what it liked."

He goes into great detail about the US intervention in Nicaragua and the driving out of the democratically elected Sandinistas:

"If Nicaragua was allowed to establish basic norms of social and economic justice, if it was allowed to raise the standards of health care and education and achieve social unity and national self respect, neighbouring countries would ask the same questions and do the same things."

He went on to refer to US support for right wing military dictatorships in Indonesia, Greece, Uruguay, Brazil, Paraguay, Haiti, Turkey, the Philippines, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Chile. The US, he said, is "brutal, indifferent, scornful and ruthless" but also very clever. He analyses the use of the words 'the American people' by successive US presidents, saying that "language is actually employed to keep thought at bay."

Coming up to the present, he says that a "totally illegitimate structure (Guantanamo Bay) is maintained in defiance of the Geneva Convention," and the whole "bandit act" of the Iraqi War, which he describes as state terrorism, has "brought torture, cluster bombs, depleted uranium, innumerable acts of random murder, misery, degradation and death to the Iraqi people and (we) call it 'bringing freedom and democracy to the Middle East'."

He suggests that Bush and Blair should be arraigned before the International Criminal Court of Justice, but, as the US has not ratified that court, "if any American soldier or for that matter politician finds himself in the dock Bush has warned that he will send in the marines."

He ends with a warning:

"I believe that despite the enormous odds which exist, unflinching, unswerving, fierce intellectual determination, as citizens, to define the real truth of our lives and our societies is a crucial obligation which devolves upon us all. It is in fact mandatory.

"If such a determination is not embodied in our political vision we have no hope of restoring what is so nearly lost to us – the dignity of man."

All quotations from the lecture are © THE NOBEL FOUNDATION 2005

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©Peter Lathan 2005